‘Genealogy of the slum – Pragmatism, politics and locality’

Askew, Marc. ‘Genealogy of the slum – Pragmatism, politics and locality’, Bangkok: Place, Practice and Representation, Routledge, London 2002, p.139-169

This article uses the example of the largest slum in Bangkok, Khlong Toei, to counter simplistic representations of slum communities as generated by academics, government agencies and NGOs in the context of ideological contexts and conflicts. He describes the layered and dynamic framework in which the people of Khlong Toei negotiate space and make the city.

(Khlong Toei seems to actually be one of our group’s sites and the largest and probably most prominent slum site in Bangkok. So this article is important to understand the history, dynamics and role of actors involved in the slums development and fight against eviction, which is described in much detail and with also with a very sober look at dynamics and goals of community organisations.)

Actors mentioned in the text:

• BMA
• NHA
• HSF (Human Settlements Foundation)
• TCUP (Training Centre for the urban poor)
• several governors of Bangkok
• PAT
• DPF (Duang Prateep Foundation) with Prateep Ungsongtham
• Prime Minister Kittichachong
• King
• Khlong Toei Slum Federation
• Grass Roots Development Foundation (by Sompong Patbui, ex DPF)
• SVA (Sotoshu Volunteer Association = Japanese NGO)
• Police
• drug dealers and gamblers
• Human Development Foundation
• NESDB (National Economic and Social Development Board)
• GHB (Government Housing Bank)
• FOP (Forum of the Poor)

Conclusion first:

As we know by know, slums are shaped by and interacting with institutional, economic, social and ideological changes of the context as much as NGOs. Governments etc. People of the slums here are portrayed as: pragmatic and individualistic, linked to locally based social networks, within which status and relationships are important. = Thai culture

Significant NGO presence and the bureaucratic and ideological environment is not necessarily a transformation (we should discuss…) but has given them a new language and new strategies to reach their individual and collective goals of land, capital and status. The meanings they have for them my not be the same as the idealistic aims of the institutions and groups supporting them.

 Introduction: representing the slum:

• Dominant stereotypes and what slums are not; simplification of practices to communities or not-communities: “Cooperative and equally poor low-income households joined together in the task of collective and sustained betterment for income and environmental improvement, joined by NGO partners”; “individualistic opportunists, who, like their urban middle-class counterparts, buy and sell land resources for profit in the marketplace”; “tightly integrated ‘face-to-face’ society, characterised by bonds of kinship, mutual friendship and close emotional links to the local area” = image used for example by DPF and media for public support against eviction
• What they are: “Multilayered economic, social and spatial formations, spaces of survival, accumulation, status and inequality”
• Khlong Toei: The least typical of Bangkoks urban poor settlements (rich slum) but source of slum movement and site of conflict and factionalism.

Economy of the slum – economy of the city:

Accumulation, inequality and dependence:

Sociability and reciprocity:

The contingency of community – locality and bargaining for space:

The right to the city: networks, anti-eviction and new tactics:

Khlong Toei and the politics of locality:

Struggle and identity:

Forces of solidarity:

Social structure and power relations:

‘Security of Tenure and the Way Forward: The Case of Samakee Pattana, Bangkok’

Savant-Mohit, Radhika. ‘Security of Tenure and the Way Forward: The Case of Samakee Pattana, Bangkok’, in Habitat International, Vol. 28, 2004, pp. 301-316.

The article analyses the process of improving tenure security of low-income communities with an example of an upgrading project in Bangkok in the form of a land-rental slum. The community goes through the process of signing a lease contract for the squatted land and the upgrading of infrastructure and services.

Although not about housing as such, it is very relevant in terms of the dynamics in communities and community-based organisations as well as the interaction with and roles of other actors in this process: the NGOs BTA (Building Together Association), Training Centre for the Urban Poor and the Slum Women’s Network as well as public sector agencies NHA, BMA and CODI.

Definition of Slum/Informal settlement by CODI, NHA and BMA:

“A group of buildings that with a housing density of not less than 15 houses per rai (1600m2), in an area characterised by overcrowded, deteriorated, unsanitary, flood and poor conditions of stuffy, moisture and non-hygienic accommodation, which might be harmful for health, security or the source of illegal action or immorality areas.”

Land-rental-slums:

• Pure squatter settlements make the smallest proportion of Bangkok’s informal settlements, located mainly along Canals and Railway lines.
• Most are land rental slums with negotiated permissions, rent payments, consensual or written contracts, usually 30 day notice period, often subdivided and rented out further.
• Seen as middle path promising more feasible arrangements of secure tenure with the facilitation of the authorities in which the poor can determine the circumstances and interests of land-owners are protected.
• In 97, generally most communities lived on private land (499), next biggest group on government land (263) and the smallest group on land of religious institutions (81)

Interesting table listing all types of tenure:

Case study Samakee Pattana looks at developments after tenure rights for land have been obtained. The description has much practical detail with figures, costs, area vs households etc, which can be looked up if needed for comparison with our sites. A few interesting points on stakeholders:

Tenure negotiations:

• Contractual negotiations between the housing cooperative of the community and the landowner (Clergy Foundation Hospital) to rent the land took 1.5 years! Another year later work on infrastructure started.
• The rent is 530$ /month for 6.4 ha and rent controlled with renegotiations every 3 years and a max. increase of 20%
• NHA and NGOs above helped in the negotiations for tenure, NHA had a personal contact and many meetings with the community unlike other government actors involved in following steps, i.e. infrastructure on site, see below

NHA commitment:

• Receives a subsidy per household to provide infrastructure. The subsidy is different depending on whether the community is relocated or not. The cost of land and infrastructure combined with political/social considerations does not necessarily encourage relocation.
• In the case study the budget allocation did not include the provision for housing improvement or relocation on site of the households affected by infrastructural changes or sanitation facilities (sanitation is seen as linked to housing). Equally the water connections from main pipes to houses are not included and need to be arranged by individual after they obtain a metre. Costs and labour had to be borne jointly by individuals and community.

BMA commitment:

• Through decentralisation responsibility for development on municipal level
• Committed to a community centre, improvement of Klongs and childcare assistance
• BMA has district offices (here Bumkum) with which the communities need to register with a certificate from landowner and who are supposed to carry out the physical improvements, help organise, initiate savings groups etc. Here this has only happened at a minimum due to lack of funds and personal
• Did not support financially or technically the necessary readjustment/shifting of houses (same as NHA)

Community organisations:

• Savings group: Started with help of NGOs Building Together Ass. and Training Centre for Urban Poor. Main driver to do so was the threat of eviction at the time and lead to appropriateness, effectiveness and focus.
• Housing co-operative: Created in order to pay rent under Co-operative Societies Act (some households joined and still don’t pay)
• Some dissatisfaction within and with the committee regarding efforts to resolve issues and obtaining positions
• Occupational Groups: SWD (Social Welfare Dept) with HNA and BMA set up groups to help income generation and provide funds for training and equipment. Unsuccessful and substandard products due to very basic training, no choice in product produced, budgeting errors and oversupply.
• Example for operation of government agencies with lack of consultative approach and evaluation, resulting in disillusionment towards approach.

NGOs:

• Advisory role to form savings groups
• Knew the individuals of the community
• Had access to legal info for lease

Situation in Samakee Pattana 2 years after lease contract:

• Distinct improvement of infrastructure but not of services
• Main issues are water supply and move from temporary to permanent housing registration (this changes extend and costs of services available) Permanent registration has been denied because of non-compliance with building regulations, therefor community has to seek a court order. Also they will have to pay a fine for previous land occupation.
• Community wants one to one arrangements with MWA (Metropolitan Waterworks Authority) without the housing cooperative
• NGOs, NHA and cooperative had complementary roles during lease negotiations. In Infrastructure phase individual members need to start benefitting, NHA has withdrawn as facilitator and MWA doesn’t recognise past situation.
• If co-operative extends its role from managing rnt to become negotiator/intermediary between community and service providing agencies without backing of a facilitator its risks loosing credibility and not being able to deliver results, therefor weakening a strong organisation.
• Communities are not more unselfish, participatory or committed than any one else. Prefer to leave operation, maintenance and management of infrastructure and services to municipal organisation

Different policy directions of NHA, BMA and CODI:

• BMA: Called for evictions under Building Control Act, while others could stay, especially Canal side slums need to go. Change of direction in 2003 from previous governor
• NHA: end to slums and gov announcement of Baan Ua Arthon project to construct 1 Mio new housing units in 5 years = ca 550/day, sirectly subsidised per unit, allocation in lottery and based on application and income. Concerns about quality and infrastructure, market distortion through undercutting private sector, whether it actually benefits the poor as endusers.
• CODI: Baan Mankong started same time as Baan Ua Arthon, gain secure land tenure (buy from private and lease from government), improve housing conditions and access to infrastructure, maintenance of facilities (little success in latter)

Conclusions:

• Land-rental slums offer opportunities for urban poor if one accepts temporal quality and diversity of needs and capacities of communities and land owner’s perspectives.
• Main caution, also with CODI approach: “Who does what?”
• Perpetual shift of roles and responsibilities since the 70s
• Government to review regulations that hinder social, economic and political advancement of the poor = institutional and attitudinal change in existing frameworks
• “Change in the attitude towards low-income communities and their contribution to a city is perceived and therefore changes in the approach to interventions to help develop these communities. That they are not just isolated cases, they are not altruistic societies, they are not quaint examples of struggle and benefit, but an integral part of the city and its management process which requires a strategic and flexible tripartite partnership between the communities, the non governmental sector and the public sector.”

Urban ecology in Bangkok: Community participation, Urban Agriculture and Forestry -by Evan D. G. Fraser

Abstract

• Community based urban management project in Bangkok
• Two NGOs worked with two communities- to address local environmental issues
• NGO staff acted as bridge between community & local govt.
• Project developed a framework that was adopted and replicated by 50 other communities by Bangkok Metropolitan Administration.
• Hence environmental & social goals were met by participation of community.

Introduction to context

• To cope with the pressures of high density of urban areas, resources are constantly extracted from remote areas causing an ecological imbalance in those areas.
• In countries like Thailand where immediate concerns like poverty and basic needs cannot be met, environmental issues take a back seat.
• Thailand falls in the tropic zone where environment is highly fragile. Hence urbanization and unplanned economic growth threatens ecology.
• In light of such issues, community based solutions were looked into.
• Project was led in partnership with Thailand Environmental Institute(TEI) and Canadian based International Centre for Sustainable Cities(ICSC) and funded by Canadian International Development Agency(CIDA)

The collaboration

Various reasons for TCI approaching ICSC:

• Thai govt. & Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) established urban greening as priority.
• Bangkok has 1sq.m. per capita of public green space which BMA wants to increase to 10sq.m per capita.
• While downtown is densely populated, 39% of the greater Bangkok is vacant, underdeveloped, low-lying and marshy or abandoned- caused due to rapid urbanization.
• Hence TEI saw great potential in developing better urban environment in these areas.

The tasks of the project were:

1. Teach members of community the benefits of urban space.
2. Form community working groups and guide them to plan, implement and maintain green spaces in their community.
3. Develop and test a method of community participation for larger benefits.

The challenge: To create a process that can be used and improved by future communities- by taking in opinions from even women, minorities/marginalized groups.

The major steps:

a)      Finding a site- where land was available n people would participate.

b)      Communities to form working groups to receive training.

c)       The planning phase- drawing maps, establishing goals, plan of new green space, work plan.

d)      Implementation- site preparation, planting, maintenance schedule.

Methodology

• Identify 2 communities- Keht Bankok Noi & Keht Bangkapi (Bangkok has 50 such Kehts)
• These communities had land, were interested and had support from local govt.
• Next step- workshop to bring ppl together.
• Planning process- mapping of potential green space, goal setting based on maps, implementation of plan.

Results of project

Assessed by following indicators:-

1. Establishing an urban Green Plan
2. Community Capacity Building
3. Poverty reduction
4. Link communities with government
5. Status of women
6. Develop a model for other communities to follow

Conclusion

The process emerged as method to promote community awareness, capacity building and empowerment.

Actors:

• Thailand Environmental Institute(TEI)
• Canadian based International Centre for Sustainable Cities(ICSC)
• Canadian International Development Agency(CIDA)
• Thai government
• Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA)
• Keht Bankok Noi & Keht Bangkapi – COMMUNITIES