Energy Access in Urban Slums: A case of Khon Kaen, Thailand; Asian Institute of Technology

The article discusses how accessible are modern forms of energy focusing on urban and peri-urban areas of Thailand, the energy consumption patterns and the total energy related expenditures in urban poor and peri urban areas. Secondly it discusses the impact of past and planned energy policies on the current energy situation.

The initial assessment study was primarily focused on Bangkok. In Bangkok and its suburbs electricity is distributed by a single utility, the Metropolitan Electricity Authority (MEA) and in the rest of the country the electricity is distributed by the Provincial Electricity Authority (PEA).” In year 2005, 87.5% of the population had access to grid electricity (DEDE, 2005). 99% of the registered households have electricity connection (AESIEAP, 2007)., Biomass accounts for 33% of the total household energy consumption in Thailand. 57.5% of the households cook with LPG while only 32.8% of households cook with traditional biomass (NSO, 2005b). Renewable energy had a share of 16.9% in the total primary energy supply in year 2004.” the Parliament Office recognises that modern energy sources represent only a small portion of energy consumed in poor areas due to higher cost and limited supply in rural areas.

The two main policies affecting the energy access for the urban poor are policies on household registration and electricity pricing. The household registration is required to apply for different services, including electricity. Majority of slum households do not meet requirements for household registration. According to survey almost 60% of households were not registered( based on Bangkok slums only).

Electricity Pricing Policy

The Metropolitan Electricity Authority provides reduced tariff for households consuming up to an average of 150kWh per month over a period of 3 months; otherwise the household faces the regular tariff. This scheme is only available to registered households. The electricity tariff increases at a higher level than an average income for both poor and non-poor.

House Registration Policy

In 1956 house registration was introduced in Thailand. Currently the house registration is required to access ant type of government services, ie. citizenship, healthcare, education, banking services and electricity connection. In the slums some dwellers do not have house registration which affects their access to the electricity. To overcome this problem, in 1995 the Thai government began to issue temporary registration numbers to those households who do not have permanent registration number. This allowed the households to apply for the legal connection to the electricity supply, however the initial deposit for the electric meter is higher for the temporary registered households. This policy substantially reduced the number of illegal connections (connection through the neighbor) in Thailand. In Bangkok slums 68% of households have a direct connection to the grid and 32% through their neighbors.

Bringing Non-Governmental Actors into the Policymaking Process, 2006

Shigetomi, Shinichi. ‘Bringing Non-Governmental Actors into the Policymaking Process:
The Case of Local Development Policy in Thailand’, Discussion Paper No. 69 for the
Institute of Developing Economies, August 2006.
(https://ir.ide.go.jp/dspace/bitstream/2344/149/1/ARRIDE_Discussion_No.69_shigetomi.pdf) Accessed
10 January 2010

Paper discribes the process whereby three leading actors (government, local people & NGOs) have interacted to bring about a more participatory system of local development.  It goes through this development in cronological order through the decades and different types of organisations in Thailand.

In the 1980s:

• Opportunities for local people’s participation, although greater than before, were still limited
• They were able to chose from a list of projects provided by the government
• Non-government actors were not accounted as agents of governance

After the 1990s:  – these developments were made possible by changes in the Thai political and economic environment

• NGOs (and other non-gov’t) actors had opportunities to express their views in the process of planning national social and economic policy
• Non-gov’tal actors sought opportunities to express their ideas at provincial level in the policy formation process
• Local people  have been able to gain access to funds that have been available for implementing their own projects

The above transformations were made possible by the capacity of some key actors

• The human and material resources of the gov’t – in it’s ability to help expand the opportunities for participation by non-gov’tal actors
• The local people themselves have created the conditions in which the extra-bureaucratic network has been able to penetrate to the grassroots, without the need to rely on offical local administration
• NGOs provided some important ideas for this system of participatory governance through networking

Civil Society and Urban Poverty – Examining Complexity

Mitlin, Diana. ‘Civil Society and Urban Poverty – Examining Complexity’, in Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 13, No. 2, October 2001, pp. 151-173.

Summary:

Mitlin talks about how development literature considers the work of grassroots organisations and NGOs and argues that their contribution does not necessarily have positive impacts on the community. The complexity of circumstances, agendas and organisational structures can have negative impacts on development work. Mitlin questions their motivations and reasons for involvement in development projects. The complexity of external funding of programmes can make the implementation of practical action difficult and may even not materialise.

Mitlin identifies the various types of grassroots organisations and conveys the complexity of the relations between the various actors involved in development projects; State/Governments, NGOs, Grassroots organisations and residents’ associations to name but a few.

Notes taken from text:

“Low-income communities are subject to division due to unequal access to power, prestige, income and capital” (p151).

“In particular, NGOs were seen as being more participatory, people-led and responsive to local needs than more formal official development assistance agencies” (p152).

In the 1980s and 1990s “the ideology was that the private sector should take over state functions wherever possible, moving from a state allocation system to one based on markets” (ibid).

“..social capital is most commonly used in the sense defined by Putman (1993), that is “…the features of social organization that…improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions such as trust, norms and networks” (page 167)” (ibid).

Colonisation is not only an issue in developing countries: “…the colonization processes that have taken place in the south of Italy are an alternative explanation for the low development indicators in that part of the country, rather than low levels of social capital per se” (p152).

There are “over 30 associations in one large low-income settlement Klong Toey, (including a number of party political associations)…” (p153).

Associations can include savings groups, trading groups, informal or illegal trades and created according to ethnic groups and communities.

“Among the more common factors instigating and then supporting grassroots organizations are kinship, ethnicity, trade union involvement, city-based federations, NGOs, religious organizations, political parties and the privates sector” (p154).

Kinship: they arise and become active when and according to needs

Ethnic, tribal and village groups: are concerned with “welfare issues, deaths, marriages and religious ceremonies and holidays” (ibid)

Trade unions: people with similar experience and expertise; influences the type of organisation within communities

Federations: help and support capacity building of grassroots groups i.e. NSDF

Non-government organisations: deal with specific issues and agendas, some assist with the formation of new organisations others support those existing

Religious organisations: they can organise platforms for poor communities to voice their concerns

Government agencies: can help formalise policies and law enforcement of legal issues related to land and assist in the funding and resources in development projects

Commercial developers: can help with funding, mentoring, facilitation and pass on wealth of knowledge base on their experience and expertise

The question lies in what do these organisations do? Who is involved? What is their long-term viability? Will it be reliant on an individual or state all the time? i.e. self-help activities, registering transfer of land, formation of tenants associations, etc.

The impacts of grassroots organisations is not always positive, there are also negative connotations. What are their hidden agendas? How does these influence power relations? The struggle for class status is always apparent in the social hierarchy and may affect low levels of participation amongst poor households.

Lack of voice from those directly affected by situations and need the most help may be caused by corruption and manipulation. Help is directed towards those who support particular ideologies or leadership which leads to social exclusion.

Women tend to be mobilisers, hence indicating women’s empowerments and rights to participate: “One consequence of women’s greater public involvement has been that women have gained new skills and expertise, becoming “…more aggressive about intervening in the spheres of public representation” (page 700” (p157).

The agendas, motives and internal structures of grassroots organisations affect the efficiency and capacity to respond to the needs of communities effectively, if at all. This also includes the relations between the state and grassroots organisations.

Who NGOs work with:

• Previous established grassroots organisations
• Existing organisations
• Establish new organisations
• Individuals in the community
• Directly with local residents
• Community members designated by the state

Why are the NGOs there? What is their purpose/objective? Is it a ‘tick-box’ strategy?

There are concerns as to the motivation of organisational activity:

1. Their strategy is more prescriptive than developed through community involvement and listening to their needs
2. Their lack of understanding to political environments and power structures which will be apparent in the effectiveness of representation and advocacy of the community’s position. For example by not acknowledging or considering the existing knowledge and skills-base within the community. This is equivalent to a tabla rasa approach to development. The past cannot be removed to create the future, it has to be based on what has happened before, learning from the past.
3. Not utilising the existing skills and knowledge within the community. Grassroots organisations need to work together to combat state policies in favour of the community. If they do not, then what makes them different from politicians? They should enhance community capacities and capabilities.

Relations between NGOs and grassroots organisations and NGOs and urban poor: “…NGOs, despite their weaknesses, are in fact slightly better at service delivery and at reaching the poorest than federations of grassroots organizations. At the same time, some NGOs have sought to develop structures and ways of working to better support grassroots organizations…[although they]urgently need to address their relationships with the urban poor” (p160).

There tend to be mutual beneficiaries, political gains and vote trading for the provision of services.

There is a certain level of dependency on the state due to the lack of belief of achieving outcomes/benefits/changes that need to be made – all ‘talk but no action’.

Alternative strategies to help the urban poor:

• Low-income renters’’ access to land
• Self-help initiatives
• Municipal support for policy changes by the state
• Active participation by the poor
• Lobbying for services and infrastructure improvements

The government deliberately sabotages process by weakening the autonomy of movements. The political connotations are still present; convey the negative aspects of government involvement.

“Participatory budgeting seeks to change traditional relationships between the state and the citizen through devolving decision-making over local infrastructure improvements to the people themselves” (p162-3).

“Movements such as Shack/Slum Dwellers International have sought to strengthen grassroots organizations, enabling them to become both more independent of external support and, at the same time, more proactive in proposing alternative models of urban development” (p163). The focus of such organisations is to include assets such as financial capital, social organisation, and knowledge.

NGOs lobby the state through grassroots and communities directly.

Relations between state and community: “The interaction between community organizations and the state may be better understood as being the means for the distribution of scarce state resources between, on the one hand, a state that is unable to provide comprehensive infrastructure and services and, on the other, urban citizens who seek neighbourhood improvements” (ibid).

No difference between grassroots organisations and politicians in such cases: “What emerges from this analysis is that the problems of leadership and participation within grassroots organizations cannot be separated from the broader context of state officials’ and politicians’ relations of patronage with community leaders” (p164).

In effect it could all be a consequence of globalisation – the dependency of the state of workers living conditions with the state’s reliance on the world’s corporate capital (ibid).

Actors:

Grassroots organisations, NGOs, State, UCDO, Civil society, Residents, Politicians, Government officials

“We speak louder than before”

Chutapruttikorn, R., 2009. “We speak louder than before”. Zeitschrift für das Bauen in der dritten Welt, Trialog 102/103, 3/4 – 2009, p.64-68.

This is not a full summary but a few notes focusing only on the critical points from the article about Baan Mankong, that Andrew sent additionally:

• Misunderstandings in the design process with the architect, e.g. not enough models or appropriate representation to communicate the design
• Communities have often opted for uniform design of the buildings for a tidy and organized representation of the community but also to speed up the process of building permissions by not having to apply for each building separately. This decision was a majority decision in the community, however this decision-making process didn’t allow variation for minorities who had issues with size and affordability.
• Uniform designs may also help to represent the power of the group
• Misunderstandings about the term “identity”: While variations and distinctiveness is encouraged by CODI, residents don’t necessarily interpret identity the same way. For example a pitched roof was suggested but also represents temporary buildings and is also associated with separation and incompleteness – Thai meaning of environment was not taken in account sufficiently
• Worry about loan burden, savings groups must collect 10% before starting loan program and went to borrow the money from other sources with higher interest rates to take part in the program – proposals to upgrade settlements came from this issue. This does not eradicate the slum image in many squatters minds but is more sustainable for poorest.
• It seems from this article that the sense of higher social status/acceptability, identity and new image associated with the self-made creation of homes and environment cannot be underestimated. The associated change of status influence taste, attitudes and behavior together with the concentration on income to pay off dept may lead to greater individualization. The worth of community values should be encouraged
• Fear of authorities is still haunting settlers and they are still experiencing hindrance from internal and external forces, e.g. official control, regulations, lack of understanding

“The Role of Local and Extra-Local Organisations”

Mitlin, Diana & David Satterthwaite. ‘The Role of Local and Extra-Local Organisations’, in Diana Mitlain and David Satterthwaite (editors), Empowering Squatter Citizen: Local Government, Civil Society and Urban Poverty Reduction, Earthscan, London 2004, pp. 278-306.

This is one chapter of a book about how deprivations were addressed by local processes described in various case studies, including CODI. This chapter looks at the role of different kinds of organisations and how urban poverty reduction, local institutional capacity and the MDGs are linked:

• External causes are linked to failure, limited capacity or disinterest of local government agencies more than to the inadequate incomes of the population or.
• Even if it is the responsibility of national or state governments the local agencies have the main influence on provision on the ground.
• Reasons for government failure are: unwillingness to act, inability, inefficiency or official standards, because non-provision can serve the governments interest (e.g. promises for infrastructure can be made)

Link to federations like CODI: “(…)democracy will not deliver for the urban poor unless they are organized and have the capacity to identify improved urban development processes; make demands; and develop their own autonomous actions, as well as work with formal agencies (…) Even a well-functioning democracy only provides equality of ‘voice’ and vote, and not of market power” p.281

NGO’s:

Role of NGO´s (generally, not only CODI)

• Use experiences to support secure tenure
• As technical support agency for communities
• CODI: facilitate improvements in relations btwn communities and the local authority
• Draw on experience for forms and modes of operation
• Must strengthen bargaining power of disadvantaged groups
• Strengthen capacity for organization and action
• Capacity to negotiate
• Capacity to successfully oppose for civil and political rights
• Establish effective dialogue

Difficulties in that role:

• NGO’s must accept they don’t have the answers for the people
• Professionally designed responses often inappropriate
• Equal relationship needed
• Accountability and transparency, e.g. about staff cost
• High cost of seeming inefficiency can be issue with donors, but meant to develop more appropriate model

> Support and facilitation, create a positive space for communities to act

> Encourage urban poor to take on NGO tasks to reduce cost and increase confidence

4 categories of orientations of NGO’s:

1. Market orientation: Increases incomes or assets of low income groups to pay for improvements with full cost recovery; CODI: range of loans seek full cost recovery across spectrum
2. Welfare provision: Role of government agencies in high income nations
3. Claim-making on the state (increasing no. of NGO’s since 80s) Has most value if there are models to be implemented: Advocacy of citizen rights to develop equal relationships with local authorities;
4. Self-determined solutions: Greatest potential to scale up because of capacity to negotiate resources and support + supportive institutional environment; Strategy based on self-developed precedents (protest with proposal in Mexico)

Local organisations (governmental or non-governmental):

Key to success:

• Quality of relationship of poor: With organisations or agencies who have power or resources; Enhances capacities
• Accountability to poor, e.g. CODI more than the norm with representatives of communities in their board
• Relationship to local circumstances and capacities
• Local projects also need to address broader city-wide constraints: CODI is designed to support continuous action

Intern. Donors:

CODI: primary source of funding is by Thai government, but also received some international funding

To reach scale:

• Continuous support is needed, more than project related
• Communities must be able to innovate and develop the models they are using
• Low cost at first, more funding needed later in process
• Slow process

= Different from normal operation of intern donors

= New funding channels needed to support local government and amplified to make sure it reaches low-income groups

UCDO/CODI is an official Thai government agency, but in an unusual form, which:

• Strengthens and supports local community
• Clear range of credit lines and support services
• Many decisions at level of community organization

= More scope to channel funds to support local processes

= Responsibilities of international donors for required new models for their financial support

CODI: community managed revolving funds can generate grants or soft loans in cases of particular hardship.

MDG:

• Official commitment of international agencies
• Paradox: part of CODIs success is avoiding that communities have to use their loan, on the other hand the amount of loans made would be viewed as an indicator of the programs success. This is especially problematic with international financial institutions as the WB.

> Concludes: international agencies must recognize scale of deprivation in urban areas and support local processes and organisations as described.

UN-HABITAT launches secure tenure campaign in Thailand

During the week of World Habitat Day 3-8 October 2005, UN-H ABITAT launched its Global Campaign for Secure Tenure and Cities without Slums programme in Thailand. The Executive Director of  UN-HABITAT celebrated World Habitat Day on 4 October at an event that drew more than 10,000 people representing c ommunities from different settlements in Thailand as well as 150 representatives from 14 Asian countries and South Africa.

The Global Campaign for Secure Tenure is “fighting poverty, not the poor”.  The Thai Government was commended for refraining from violent evictions. The support of the Baan Mankong Programme (and CODI) highlighted, and said all slum dwellers would be provided with decent shelter and security of tenure in the shortes term possible, well before the end of the decade (by 2010). It is also stressed the need for the poor to be actors in the process and to join hands with the Government.

It is acknowledged that the Baan Mankong Program is only possible with the commitment of the central government to allow people to be the core actors and to decentralize the solution-finding process to cities. In Augus t 2005, the Thai Government approved a 4 -year plan to improve slum communities and develop housing in 200 c ities in the country with about US$ 240 million subsidy from the government budget. As such, the program has become an important large-scale implementation and learning experience for  governments, housing activists, NGOs, bilateral and multi-lateral aid institutions and community federations.

Actors: CODI, Thai Government, Community.

NGOs, advocacy and popular protest: a case study of Thailand-by Preecha Dechalert

Abstract

• The paper examines why public protests have increasingly become part of the advocacy work of NGOs.
• Suggests where social and economic tensions have reached a crisis point, there is a phenomenon of ‘cultural drift’ in which values and norms are challenged and protest action by poor breaks out.

Introduction

• Dramatic changes in the role of NGOs occurred in the early 1990s.
• NGOs and people’s organizations (PO) started to stage protest against govt.
• ‘Protest’ is rather a word which implies the collaborative work against the govt.
• The alliance of the poor came to the known as ‘Assembly of the poor’ (AOP).

The Thai context

• Enormous economic changes in the 1990s- economic growth became centre of development.
• Great influx of foreign capital.
• There is increase in demand for resources.
• ‘Resource conflict’ pitting in the state and corporate sector.

Power and social control

• Important roots in patron-client relationship; but cultural norm reduces level of confrontation among people.
• Existence of ‘bureaucratic polity’ suggests the different administrative system.
• Huge gap between bureaucrats and normal people.
• Existence of many conflicts and protests.

 

 

Role of NGOs

• NGOs wanted every aspect of their work to be carried out in villages.
• They emphasized importance of building a ‘civil society’.
• Role is to support social justice, respond to ‘hot issues’support people’s organizations and local networks.

Examples of work of NGOs with communities

• The Project for Ecological Recovery (PAR)-  student NGOs raising environmental issues
• The Thai NGO Coalition on Aids (TNCA)
• The Thai Institute for Rural Development (THIRD)
• Assembly of the Poor (AOP)

 

Conclusion

• Focus on NGO advocacy work and protest as a part of social movement focusing on ‘resource mobilisation’.
• Advocacy as a 3d model, as a continued process.
• Networking- fundamental strategy of advocacy work as it argues significance of social, economic, political and cultural environment for advocacy.

 

Scaling Up Poverty Interventions: Global Learning Process – Conference in Shanghai, The People’s Republic of China on 25-27 May 2004 (Asian Development Bank)

Asian Development Bank. ‘Scaling Up Poverty Interventions: Global Learning Process’,a paper presented at a conference in Shanghai, China from 25-27 May 2004

ABSTRACT

Developing countries have not succeeded in reducing poverty but in East Asia they have some success stories.

The World Bank (WB) in cooperation with other development partners, including Asian Development Bank (ADB) explore factors that can help countries expand poverty reduction programs. Some essential factors for poverty reduction are strong government, effective management and delivery systems, experimentation and learning and attention to environmental links.

The conference enabled a better appreciation of the important acquisition and dissemination to scale-up and countries to learn form each other’s experience.

Asia and the Pacific have seen strong economic growth and some impressive results in poverty reduction using the one-dollar a day standard but a limited progress attaining the non-income Millenium Development Goals (MDGs). Economic growth and regional cooperation aim to promote inclusive development.

ABD’s Poverty Reduction Strategy aims to fight poverty in all its dimensions promoting pro-poor sustainable economic growth, social development and good governance, supporting governance and policy reforms.

Well-functioning institutions and markets are prerequisites for a sustainable and shared growth in the region.  There is a consensus in favor of long-term growth and inclusive development. Physical infrastructure, a dynamic private sector, fostering regional cooperation and inclusion are needed for economic growth. Aproaches that directly involve civil society can supplement public efforts.

Scaling-up poverty reduction rests with developing countries themselves. At the same time, emphasis on assimilating asnd disseminating lessons and good practices are needed.

The region has demonstrated they can make markets work and the introduction of technologies has contributed to productivity gains. But they also need to increase the emphasis on education and capacity building.

East Asia recovered quickly from the financial crisis of 1997 but faces continuing challenges of economic restructuring, poverty reduction and income inequality.

To accelerate development at the country level countries must be in charge of their own development, efforts to successfully ameliorate poverty must be comprehensive, growth is critical for job creation and poverty reduction but poor people must share the benefits of growth.

A supportive international environment is an important complement and requires a more open and balanced global trading system. Aid has been an effective and powerful catalyst but financial crisis can be debilitating.

There is no single blueprint or model to scaling-up. Successful scaling-up requires a long-term vision. Some keys are sustainable political commitment and leadership, visionary leadership and strong management, empowerment and involvement of poor people, participatory programs, transparent rules, sequencing of reforms and attention to their political economy, learning and experimentation guided by monitoring and evaluation, changing and adapting institutions and adequate and assured long-term financing.

Reform efforts, investment and improvement in productivity to fill the gaps in infrastructure and human capital, reducing barriers is to expand trade, larger amonts of aid, harmonization and simplification of donor support, debt reduction, cooperation between all development partners and financing from multilateral development banks are also needed.

Achievement of MDGs will depend on increasing resources, renewed commitment, long-term vision and targets, comprehensive approach sequenced opportunistically, strong management, sustained growth, partnership between all stakeholders, certitude of financing, debt reduction, openness to trade, poor people as assets of change, inclusion of marginalised groups (gender, age, ethnic), addressing basic needs, experimentation, measurement and focus on results and systematic evaluation and consideration of culture and history.

ACTORS

Asian Development Bank, NGOs, CBOs, World Bank,

Slum upgrading Facility, Land and slum upgrading

Slum upgrading Facility SUF

Slum upgrading Facility SUF is a technical cooporation aim to tedt and develop new financial instruments and methods for expanding private sector finance and public sector involvement in slum upgrading on a large scale.

This working paper aims to bring together the expertise of two different disciplines: land and financial services for the poor

The challenges of conventional housing finance and the poor

Macro-economic factors

Housing characteristics

Underwriting or Risk Management Practice

The main areas of innovation in reaching the poor include:

Recognition of progressive or incremental building practice.

Acceptance of more appropriate building/planning standards

Legal evidence of land ownership is not required

Group lending

 Second, there is an important distinction between ‘land ownership’ and ‘land use

Third, there are many different types of rights in land

 Fourth, a system of land tenure defines who has what rights over a piece of land

Finally, security of tenure refers to the confidence one has that their land rights will be respected.

 understanding land issues at country level

 There are five important elements to understanding the land situation of any country: the country context; the range of land rights that exist; the operation of the land market; the institutional landscape; and finally, the quality of land governance.

 Tenure Systems and their Characteristics

Types of Land Registration Systems

Deeds registration system records the documents of transfer

Title registration system

Private conveyancing system

Thailand uses Title System (German, English, Torrens)

 Land-based Strategies for Slum Upgrading

• Land Sharing
• Land Readjustment
• Regularization; granting of legal land rights to informal settlement occupants
• Simplified land-use and planning regulations
• Improved land valuation and taxation

 Slum Upgrading Facility experiences from a land finance perspective

 Indonesia

• (individual freehold with contracted limits for re-sale)
• Municipality has arranged for the transfer of the land through individual titles to the 44 low-income households that occupy the houses. Unlike the Karatonan case, the titles were issued before a compromise was agreed to equally share the land, making compromise on the distribution of the land impossible.
• Granted freehold land without land consolidation.

 The following range of land rights have been encountered in Slum Upgrading Facility project work:

• Adverse Possession: In some cases people may have lived as squatters for many years, and their right to occupy the land in question may never have been challenged
• Rental:  renters make up a significant proportion of the communities in which SUF is active
• Customary/Traditional/Religious Tenure: In Ghana, the chiefs have been responsible

Traditionally for land management on behalf of the entire community

• Collective/Cooperative Tenure: land that is held under co-operative law

 Lessons-learned from the SUF experience

• Formal land delivery mechanisms fail to meet the needs of the poor
• Recognizing land rights can leverage investments from both individuals and institutions
• Land transactions are complex; Slum Upgrading Facility needs a strong pipeline of projects
• Accurate, up-to-date and accessible information is necessary to underpin slum upgrading projects
• Scalable solutions require the development of city level policies and strategies for slum upgrading
• A multi-stakeholder approach enhances options for sustainable land development
• Learning and sharing knowledge is crucial for change
• Decentralization: local government can add and obtain significant value through slum upgrading strategies
• Appropriate land use zoning, plot sizes, and building standards are critical to ensuring land development that is affordable to urban low income settlements
• In some contexts the urban poor need support to purchase land
• It is important to address the needs of renters
• There is a need to develop the capacity and systems for collective ownership and management
• Strong intermediary organisations are crucial in bridging informal and formal land markets in order to access finance for development
• Savings and loan systems provide a means to access commercial capital for land development
• Make land allocation and development gender-sensitive in slum upgrading schemes

Urban Renewal and Slum Rehabilitation: A Sectoral Agenda within ADB’s Strategy 2020

This is a presentation that was given to the Transport and Urban Development division of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). It outlines a revised Urban Sector Strategy(USS):

• Based on the previous Urban Sector Strategy
• research is not done independently but always in alignment with lending
• focus on multi-city projects; cities consider development strategies in relation to linkages with other cities including knowledge sharing among municipalities.
• more attention to the role of the private sector
• more attention to disaster prevention and emergency
• National government assumes the role of connecting municipalities with the private sector (i.e. via land provision)
• capacity building, especially at a local government level
• redevelopment includes slum upgrading, local economic revitalisation, heritage conservation
• urban transportation management

Their approach is summed up as follows:

1. inclusive growth
2. environmentally sustainable growth
3. regional integration

And is realized through:

• infrastructure
• environment & living cities
• regional cooperation and integration
• financial sector redevelopment
• and education